Clusterization, frustration and collectivity in random networks

We consider the random Erd{\H o}s--R\'enyi network with enhanced clusterization and Ising spins $s=\pm 1$ at the network nodes. Mutually linked spins interact with energy $J$. Magnetic properties of the system as dependent on the clustering coefficient $C$ are investigated with the Monte Carlo heat bath algorithm. For $J>0$ the Curie temperature $T_c$ increases from 3.9 to 5.5 when $C$ increases from almost zero to 0.18. These results deviate only slightly from the mean field theory. For $J<0$ the spin-glass phase appears below $T_{SG}$; this temperature decreases with $C$, on the contrary to the mean field calculations. The results are interpreted in terms of social systems.Comment: 10 pages, 6 figures; serious change of result

Cooperation and defection in ghetto

We consider ghetto as a community of people ruled against their will by an external power. Members of the community feel that their laws are broken. However, attempts to leave ghetto makes their situation worse. We discuss the relation of the ghetto inhabitants to the ruling power in context of their needs, organized according to the Maslow hierarchy. Decisions how to satisfy successive needs are undertaken in cooperation with or defection the ruling power. This issue allows to construct the tree of decisions and to adopt the pruning technique from the game theory. Dynamics of decisions can be described within the formalism of fundamental equations. The result is that the strategy of defection is stabilized by the estimated payoff.Comment: 12 pages, 2 figure

Am empirical comparison of the performance of classical power indices

Power indices are general measures of the relative voting power of individual members of a voting body. They are useful in helping understand and design voting bodies particularly those which employ weighted voting, in which different members having different numbers of votes. It is well known that in such bodies a member's voting power, in the sense of their capacity to affect the outcomes of votes called, rarely corresponds to the actual number of votes allocated to him. Many voting bodies for which this is an important consideration exist: examples include international organisations (notably the World Bank, the IMF, the European Union), the US presidential Electoral College and corporations in which votes are proportionate to stockholdings. Two classical power indices dominate the literature: the Shapley-Shubik index and the Banzhaf index (also known by other names). Both are based on the idea that a member's power depends on the relative number of times they can change a coalition from losing to winning by joining it and adding their vote. They may be defined in probabilistic terms as the probability of being able to swing the result of a vote, where all possible outcomes are taken as equiprobable. The indices differ however in the way they count voting coalitions. In probabilistic terms they use different coalition models and therefore differ in precisely what is meant by equiprobable outcomes. The indices have been used in a number of empirical applications but their relative performance has remained an open question for many years, a factor, which has hindered the wider acceptance of the approach. Where both the indices have been used for the same case, they have often given different results, sometimes substantially so, and theoretical studies of their properties have not been conclusive. There is therefore a need for comparative testing of their relative performance in practical contexts. Very little work of this type has been done however for a number of reasons: lack of independent indicators of power in actual voting bodies with which to compare them, difficulties in obtaining consistent data on a voting body over time with sufficient variation in the disposition of votes among members of actual legislatures and the lack of independent criteria against which the results of the indices may be judged. It has also been hampered to some extent by lack of easily available algorithms for computing the indices in large games. This paper assesses the indices against a set of reasonable criteria in terms of shareholder voting power and the control of the corporation in a large cross section of British companies. Each company is a separate voting body and there is much variation in the distribution of voting shares among them. Moreover reasonable criteria exist against which to judge the indices. New algorithms for the Shapley-Shubik and Banzhaf indices are applied to detailed data on beneficial ownership of 444 large UK companies without majority control. Because some of the data is missing, both finite and oceanic games of shareholder voting are studied to overcome this problem. The results, judged against these criteria, are unfavorable to the Shapley-Shubik index and suggest that the Banzhaf index much better reflects the variations in the power of shareholders between companies as the weights of shareholder blocks vary

Voting power measurement: a story of misreinvention

In this account of the history of voting-power measurement, we confine ourselves to the concept of a priori voting power. We show how the concept was re-invented several times and how the circumstances in which it was reinvented led to conceptual confusion as to the true meaning of what is being measured. In particular, power-as-influence was conflated with value in the sense of transferable utility cooperative game theory (power as share in constant total payoff). Influence was treated, improperly, as though it were transferable utility, and hence an additive and distributive quantity. We provide examples of the resulting misunderstanding and mis-directed criticism

A Game-Theoretic Model of Interactions between Hibiscus Latent Singapore Virus and Tobacco Mosaic Virus

Mixed virus infections in plants are common in nature and their interactions affecting host plants would depend mainly on plant species, virus strains, the order of infection and initial amount of inoculum. Hence, the prediction of outcome of virus competition in plants is not easy. In this study, we applied evolutionary game theory to model the interactions between Hibiscus latent Singapore virus (HLSV) and Tobacco mosaic virus (TMV) in Nicotiana benthamiana under co-infection in a plant host. The accumulation of viral RNA was quantified using qPCR at 1, 2 and 8 days post infection (dpi), and two different methods were employed to predict the dominating virus. TMV was predicted to dominate the game in the long run and this prediction was confirmed by both qRT-PCR at 8 dpi and the death of co-infected plants after 15 dpi. In addition, we validated our model by using data reported in the literature. Ten out of fourteen reported co-infection outcomes agreed with our predictions. Explanations were given for the four interactions that did not agree with our model. Hence, it serves as a valuable tool in making long term predictions using short term data obtained in virus co-infections

Equitable representation in councils: theory and an application to the United Nations Security Council

We analyze democratic equity in council voting games (CVGs). In a CVG, a voting body containing all members delegates decision-making to a (time-varying) subset of its members, as describes, e.g., the relationship between the United Nations General Assembly and the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). We develop a theoretical framework for analyzing democratic equitability in CVGs at both the country and region levels, and for different assumptions regarding preference correlation. We apply the framework to evaluate the equitability of the UNSC, and the claims of those who seek to reform it. We find that the individual permanent members are overrepresented by between 21.3 times (United Kingdom) and 3.8 times (China) from a country-level perspective, while from a region perspective Eastern Europe is the most heavily overrepresented region with more than twice its equitable representation, and Africa the most heavily underrepresented. Our equity measures do not preclude some UNSC members from exercising veto rights, however